Top Line: 58.5 million acres of inventoried roadless areas within the National Forest System are once again in existential jeopardy.

I’ve never met a roadless area I didn’t like. Alas, Donald Trump has never met a roadless area, unless you count golf courses.
As President Trump’s secretary of agriculture, Brooke Rollins, announced the administration’s plan to open up the entire 58.5 million acres of national forest roadless areas to roading and logging, I thought of the words of John Muir.
These temple destroyers, devotees of ravaging commercialism, seem to have a perfect contempt for Nature, and, instead of lifting their eyes to the God of the mountains, lift them to the Almighty Dollar.
While it was 1912 and John was railing against those bastards who would (and did) damn the Tuolumne River in Hetch Hetchy Valley in Yosemite National Park, his words apply to the modern-day bastards who would road and log most of the last of the nation’s forested roadless areas. These bastards can only be stopped by appropriate congressional action.

The Ping Pong Game Thus Far
Since the Clinton administration promulgated the roadless area conservation rule (RACR) shortly before leaving office in 2001, the RACR has been extensively litigated, with the forces of darkness generally losing every challenge (so far).
In a nutshell, Republican administrations (Little Bush I and II, and Trump I) have sought wholesale revocation of the rule, as well as rule changes to exempt certain roadless areas in Alaska, Colorado, and Idaho. In contrast, later Democratic administrations (Obama I and II, Biden I and only) have generally—but not completely—undone the damage to the RACR done by Republican predecessors.
The history of administrative action and litigation is too long to recount here, but Earthjustice has an excellent timeline of the roadless rule. (You can find detailed inventoried roadless area maps by state and national forest here.)

A Time to Delegate and a Time to Undelegate
As the federal government has become larger over the centuries, Congress has explicitly delegated many of its powers to the executive branch. Because Congress cannot anticipate every possible circumstance, Congress has had to delegate powers in ways that give discretion to the president. While all presidents have tended to abuse such discretion, none has done so as spectacularly as Trump II.

As recent relevant examples, the US Constitution explicitly reserves to Congress the powers to declare war, levy tariffs, and control public lands. In the case of the latter, the US Constitution in Article 4, Section 3, Clause 2 states:
The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States . . .
Any power or authority the president, any cabinet member, or any other executive branch official has over the nation’s public lands is a result of Congress having delegated such power. Regarding the property clause, the Supreme Court has found that “the power over the public land thus entrusted to Congress is without limitations” (United States v. Gratiot, 39 U.S. 526, 1840).
See Public Lands Blog “The Constitutionality of Federal Public Lands” (2016)
This present president skirts, ignores, or disregard laws (both statutes and regulations) that are inconvenient to his agenda. Many federal judges, appointed by several presidents, have ruled against this administration on numerous cases.
President Trump’s habit of pushing matters to the edge and often beyond has become a stark reminder that much of our government operation has relied not only on laws but also on norms (“a standard or pattern, especially of social behavior, that is typical or expected of a group”). It turns out that Trump also cares not a whit for norms.
Clearly, Congress has delegated far too much of its power to the executive branch—variously the president (in the case of national monuments), the secretary of the interior (for example, Bureau of Land Management holdings), and the secretary of agriculture (for example, the National Forest System). It has long been a problem that the Forest Service and the BLM routinely abuse the discretion given to them. It is another level of hell now that Trump II views what is a congressional grant of power that comes with discretion to act in the best interests of the nation as rather a congressional grant of power that comes with no discretion so as to be able to act in the best interests of Donald Trump.
In view of this new reality, members of Congress now need to undelegate much of the control they have ceded to the executive branch.

A Good (But Extremely Slow) Start: The Proposed Roadless Area Conservation Act
In 2002, in response to President George W. Bush attempting to revoke President Bill Clinton’s RACR during the 107th Congress, then and now US Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA) and then Representative Jay Inslee (D-WA) (later governor) introduced into their respective houses of Congress the proposed Roadless Area Conservation Act (RACA). The RACA has been introduced in most—but not all—Congresses since, every time with no further action in Congress (see Table 1).
The current (119 th Congress) Senate and House versions are identical. Turnover in the House of Representatives has now resulted in Representative Andrea Salinas (D-OR-5th) picking up the mantle. Thanks, Andrea, for stepping up! And thanks, Maria, for hanging in!

Table 1 is worth a closer look. The number of cosponsors is strongly indicative of the interest in the public land conservation community in roadless areas. Those four years where the RACR was not even reintroduced can be explained by complacency under Obama and anticipation of Hillary Clinton succeeding him.

Like many legislative bills, the RACA has some good aspects, some bad aspects, and some ugly aspects.
The Good (But Not Great)
The RACA would codify the administrative rule (the RACR) into statute, which only Congress—and not a president—can undo.
The Bad
RACA doesn’t include all roadless lands on the National Forest System. While the Forest Service has inventoried 58.5 million acres of roadless areas, hence the “inventoried roadless areas” covered by the legislation, tens of millions of acres of uninventoried roadless areas exist that meet the same criteria (roadless and at least 5,000 acres in size) as inventoried roadless areas. Since the early 1970s, the Forest Service—through a sustained combination of malevolence, malfeasance, and incompetence—has failed/refused to inventory all roadless lands under its administration, usually (but not always) because these uninventoried roadless areas contain timber the bureaucracy wishes to log.
Then there is the matter of “small” roadless areas (1,000 to 4,999 acres in size) that are also ecologically, hydrologically, and recreationally important. Such roadless areas are estimated to add up to tens of millions of acres of the National Forest System.

See Public Lands Blog “The Proposed Roadless Area Conservation Act: Work Still Needed” (2021)
What’s Next?
It is predictable that Earthjustice and others, as they have several times previously, will wage massive legal resistance to the Trump administration’s attempt to revoke the RACR. While there are legal pathways for an administration to undo the rules of a previous administration, previous and (probably) current efforts to do so have taken illegal pathways. Stay tuned.
What is less predictable is whether the public lands conservation community will wake up to this latest wake-up call and actually expend effort to achieve permanent and comprehensive congressional (statutory) protection for Forest Service roadless areas. Administrative (regulatory) protection of public lands is—and always will be—impermanent.

Bottom Line: Only Congress can permanently save Forest Service roadless areas for the benefit of this and future generations.
Leave a Reply